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Gender and sexuality dynamics i n tariffed sex among men: analysis of the notion of communities of practice. Mailing address. The present Woman want sex Porto Alegre analyzes the establishment of communities of practice in the context of tariffed sex exercised by men, focusing on sexuality performances and gender identifications. Was used an approach inspired by the Grounded Theory, through which were held field diaries in tariffed sex settings, narrative interviews with six men who engage in the activity and two managers, respectively, of two specialized places in the Porto Alegre's sexual market, during the year The corpus was analyzed from a discursive theoretical perspective and was identified dynamics associated Woman want sex Porto Alegre the formation of communities of practice by means of surveillance and correction strategies, in a way that aspects such as corporeal and performative investment updated consumer relations circumscribed in some control dynamics.
Power relations are shown in a way of "desexualization" of the client, or the feminization of the male prostitute, so the notion of community does not dissociate from discursive heteronormative aspects. Keywords: Gender, sexuality, male prostitution, communities of practice, grounded theory. Studies that shed light on prostitution invite us to notice the diversity of possibilities in sexuality practices, their intricate social markers, and the discourses composing the meanings ased to this performance Piscitelli, This is a strategic field of discussion, as prostitution practices allow connections on a complex web that includes gender, work, sexuality, morality, and human rights Rios, However, research in the area is still heterogeneous overall, and parts of these studies indicate the field complexity beyond sanitary risk.
Studies such as those above allow us to identify a dialogue that needs to be deepened between epidemic dimensions and qualitative and contextual considerations, which question the complexity surrounding the daily experiences of tariffed sex and address the need to focus on aspects such as criminalization, work, gender, and sexuality that characterize the possible practices of these men, as well as the itineraries they follow when engaging in sexual commerce. Some qualitative studies on men's prostitution, especially in Brazil, seek to integrate the ly mentioned psychosocial elements.
Ethnographic studies, for instance, make it possible to consider men's prostitution in dimensions of sexuality, subjectivity, and territory, pointing to the particularities of their itineraries Barreto, ; Viana,the places of sexual tourism in relation to different power axes that make abolition perspectives on prostitution complex Cantalice,and their bonds with heteronormativity and homonormativity Pocahy, However, the field of discussion on prostitution is mainly focused on women's experiences especially cisgender.
Although the reflection on women's experiences with prostitution is obviously important, as it can highlight discourses in favor and against Melo Pedroso, ; Piscitelli,it is also important to notice men's peripheral position in this field of study.
Considering this situation, we seek to analyze a particular aspect of this more rarely discussed issue in this paper: the establishment of specific communities of tariffed sex practice for men 1 in Porto Alegre that includes discourse related to sexuality experiences and gender identifications. Some aspects of the context of men's prostitution in Porto Alegre have already been traced. With a questionnaire applied to men and 78 customers and observations in the prostitution locations, some social markers have been identified.
Regarding their descriptions, " In terms of how long they had been engaged in prostitution, " Regarding customers, " The analyzed theoretical overview that summarized the description of this group pointed to the need for studies in the gender relations field, which would be able to denature the subjectivity and masculinity constructions in relation to tariffed sex. When intertwining issues such as subjectivity, masculinity, and tariffed sex, it seems appropriate to consider the personal narratives dimension and the speech linked to its construction in the social tissue.
Therefore, language is central, and it is understood as a reality maker in which ways of existence are performed - a process of repetition and the regulation of actions, gestures, the behaviors that indicate the possibility of the subjects to occupy legitimate or illegitimate places in the social field, and gender and sexuality relations that establish a part of this construction Butler, Subjectivity is here understood in a socio-cultural perspective as a process in constant development Kirschner, and as an intersubjective construction that happens through narratives.
In these constructions that happen through narratives, gender and sexuality appear to have special importance, and these aspects are the tonic of this paper. Gender and sexuality, taken as operational concepts, make visible questions that are situated in daily experiences that demand situated and, therefore, partial analysis Har-away, To consider this notion of situated knowledge, we propose an exercise of closely examining gender and sexuality perspectives to the model of communities of practice, as in the analysis proposed by Paechter According to Wengerthe notion of community is organized by three integrated axes: mutual commitment, t action, and shared repertoire.
These notions allow us to understand the process of creating a community as contextual and coherent relations of practices, identifications, and learning. To Wengersuch aspects do not suppose homogeneity, being composed in a relation of complementarity or situated partiality. Mutual commitment addresses a web of meanings that are mutually negotiated. It is based in a process of working together and, therefore, of keeping communities through relationships and the negotiation of group processes. The second notion, the idea of t actionis defined by practices resulting from mutual responsibility relationships in a community.
However, the third aspect, shared repertoireaddresses a historical dimension of mutual commitment, conceived in a group by aspects such as shared speeches, concepts, artifacts, and styles involved in community practices. Therefore, we start with the communities of practice concept as a phenomenon related to building and keeping meanings and understandings in the scope of tariffed sex practiced by men, considering that this dimension is not dissociated from social markers of difference or from the effects of the capitalistic ways of living Streek, clearly implicated in these processes.
Gender and sexuality are interpreted as performative instances, which are expressed in bodies, situated and indicative of certain regulative fictions Butler,based on power relations Scott,and which manifest in repetition and regulation processes Foucault, Hence, we propose to analyze the scope of the portrayal of communities of practice in the context of tariffed sex practiced by men in Porto Alegre.
Specifically, we analyze communication and discursive aspects related to the exercise of sexuality and gender identification. The problem cited in this paper and the dimensions of the realities insert this study into a qualitative approach, sensitive to researcher experiences and to the thoughts brought by people in the field.
Therefore, we used an approach inspired by grounded theory Charmaz, According to grounded theory principles, the process of making a study begins by formulating questions open enough to allow empirical interpretations to give opportunities for research directions Charmaz, This method comes from a system that consists of returning and discussing research goals with every new collection, constant re organization of collected material, information coding and classification, and systematization in memos.
As a result of this approach, this research changes during its course, especially regarding the places visited. We added sites as Woman want sex Porto Alegre interviews happened based on participants' indications, enlarging the field of observation and the references used and also changing through the process of contact to address themes not ly planned, brought by the experiences of the participantsuntil getting an analytical articulation of theoretical and empirical quality that enabled us to answer the questions proposed, especially regarding the building of communities of practice as presented by Wenger Even though a web of places was mapped in this research - a street, two saunas, two bars - the analysis of this study was developed based on dialogues with men from two specific places in Porto Alegre: a bar and a sauna.
This choice was due to those places being the most frequented by the web of participants in this research and because it ed participants who also developed practices in other contexts. Data collections were performed by visiting these places of tariffed sex; observing what happened throughout ; establishing a field diary with a descriptive register, which also had informal conversations with people in this environment; and interviews.
Two interviews were conducted with men who had manager positions, four with men who practiced tariffed sex in the cited places, and two others with men who also practiced tariffed sex but had developed their activities outside this circuit one using apps for sexual encounters and the other who catered only to specific customers, acquired in his past during street prostitution. The inclusion of these last two participants was due to the suggestions of other participants.
All participants were contacted by a first key informant, a manager of sexual health, or by intentional sampling known as snowballing Flick, Beyond the many conversations and written field dairies, the eight interviews followed a narrative perspective.
According to Bauer and Jovchelovitchthe narrative interview is a method of deep interviewing that demands the interviewer avoid influence over participants' words to prevent any obstacles to the story. For this study, the question posed - and which was the subject of an approximation of the narrative terms through the interviews - was: How did you start and how has your path in the context of tariffed sex been developed?
The interviews were audio recorded and transcribed for later analysis, and the participants have fictional names. The concurring use of grounded theory and discourse analysis is already consolidated in current studies. As in Reiner Kellerthe systematization of these approaches may for an oscillation present in the qualitative analysis of human sciences, which range in extremes from macro-discourses to language analysis in excessive, particular uses. Accordingly, Charlotte Burck also explores the connections between grounded theory, discourse analysis, and narrative analysis, understanding that they allow a systemic and contextual point of view.
From this discourse analysis, some elements have emerged - based on data - which address the idea of communities of practice, connecting the axes of mutual commitment, t action, and shared repertoire with practice concepts in which aspects such as meaning negotiations, learning processes, places, and limits were listed.
Theemphasizing the processes of the establishment of communities in the context of men's tariffed sex, made it possible to understand this phenomenon through the following groups: Men devoted to Tariffed Sex MPS ; MPS and Managers; MPS and Customers. Thus, this analysis proposes to emphasize the Sauna and Bar locations in its cross-sectional aspects, as distinguished from discussions that were sometimes used with participants practicing tariffed sex at home and by cell phone apps.
These relationship dimensions appeared in the field and in the interviews and can be interpreted according to mutual commitment, t action, and shared repertoire - noted in this study as the central axes in the concept of communities of practice Wenger, The researcher as a specific spectator and situated in the interviews is not considered detached from such an understanding but seeks to comprehend this established relation both in interviews and field diaries as possibly offering contextual and partial analysis of the targeted phenomenon.
For that reason, we seek to develop a theory based on field data that answers to the peculiarities of the circuit developed by the researcher Charmaz, through informers and using the appropriate theoretical choice. Table 1. The first analysis point, the relational MPS's area, relies on a relational dimension mainly linked Woman want sex Porto Alegre "making ethics".
For example, the maintenance of regular prices, Woman want sex Porto Alegre happens mainly in the Sauna context, along with notions of secrecy and anonymity in relation either to other men devoted to tariffed sex or general customers are two of the main factors related to the notion of mutual commitment. As said by Jonas:. It is more like a deal among the guys there. They make a price and no one charges any less, you know, because then it happens that they go to the one who charged less and they leave a price more or less like that, from to 80 reals, and this is the price.
Between and So it is a standard for everyone, right? And there is no talk of charging less to make oneself better.
Because, if so, if they get to know that, they make a mess Because then it is dishonest. The secrecy and anonymity configurations are present both by the use of fictional names varying according to the place in establishing of communicational closeness with customers restricted to places such as bars and saunas and in the refusal of any possible identification or depiction of aspects of other men's lives who are also devote to tariffed sex. The cartel configuration, consented negotiation by the group, reinforces the idea of mutual commitment.
Moreover, this notion of mutual commitment is closely related to the masculine behavior of "gentlemen's negotiation". In one of the observed places, a sauna, the retaliation role in case of a commitment break was led by one of the MPS. He had a strong presence in the place and was pretty expensive, using soccer jerseys after Sauna closed.
He would start jokes that brought to mind games of power and fighting or had provocative conversations with other MPS. Such behaviors point to traditional masculinity practices. Badinterin her social historiographic work, establishes how men's lives have been circumscribed by patriarchal arrangements connected to social norms and demonstrative exercises of strength and aggressiveness.
She references characteristic rites of passage in many cultures in which "becoming a man" is a process of the identification of a new stature inside the community. The author makes evident that questions related to "being a man" are given a daily dimension by public proof.
The field of masculinities into which Badinter looks is here understood as associated to Connel and Woman want sex Porto Alegre and Kimmel's considerations, which point to the existence of certain expectations regarding men - some proof of strength, honor, and bravery.
These aspects are daily confirmed by men and women in places such as schools, clubs, and in the family. The sauna in which these interactions happened more frequently, either as jokes or provocations, was mainly a stage area, and on specific days, on one of its walls, there were soccer games presented. The way in which this space was built and the related maintenance, which also comprised architectural aspects, calls attention to what Welzer-Lang identified as "places for men"p.
He created the term to define the set of places and spaces that de the masculine universe, such as interaction groups at schools, clubs, cafes, or other communities - stages of arduous combat regarding behaviors or characteristics that could resemble the ones traditionally related to women. In these spaces, homoerotism can be experienced in different degrees and dimensions and learning happens by suffering, as stated by Badinter ; they also allow the incorporation of organized knowledge into codes. The context of homo-socialization that Woman want sex Porto Alegre at the sauna cohabits with this and other virility manifestations associated with heteronormativity and often flirts with factors such as exercise of violence, intrinsically related to group maintenance.
Other aspects appear as representative and intrinsically related, such as the notion of t action. There is a perception regarding the Sauna that " it is the boys who make it work " Jonas. Jonas's assertion demonstrates how the communication process allows thoughts of resistance processes, activities and assemblages that face possible explorations, referring to what Paechter calls "practice as local"p.
This notion, however, is less soft in contexts of bars, where Management is more active and opinionated regarding MPS. Still performing what we understand as t action by MPS, the question of approaching linked to respectful and gentleman-like behavior manifests in both spaces. However, the approach technique in the bar, where Management surveillance is more obvious, is more rigid and evident.
Beyond aspects related to the composition of this community of practice regarding mutual commitment and t action, we see that these spheres are not detached from a shared repertoire in the context of tariffed sex. Aspects such as the exercise of codes linked to traditional masculinities for instance, the use of certain aesthetics and the discourse of "dowry" as representative of virility are connected to this axis.
Inside this aspect, the restricted use of drugs is evident as strategy to control the masculinity and virility performances - such as gestures, looks, ways of walking, and sexual availability. The idea that the customer looks for affection and is guided by the lack of it seems to point to a discursive process we call "customer's desexualization", a game of power in which there is some protective disinvestment that sets the MPS away from possible identification with an idea of homosexual conjugality.
Two of the interviewed participants dressed themselves differently in relation to other MPS who were at the saunas and bars. Ezequiel black male, approximately 50 years old, heterosexual, civil servant, low middle-class, and stable incomewho did not often visit saunas or bars, identified himself as sex professional and performed at-home dates with his customers, indicated a different dimension from other men regarding tariffed sex in his life. Ezequiel's interview, which describes his tariffed sex as an activity with more of a technical perspective, shows a context in which, to be good professional, it is necessary to have a well-marked ethics dimension with little space for pleasure or affective slips:.
The good professional tries to keep the customer, to hold the customer's attention, even because it's like what I told you, many customers referred me to other customers. And not the bad professionalthe person will never see that character anymore.
So, it's that thing, like I said, not sometimes, but the sex professional can act as some kind of psychologist, sure, with no formation, but that thing of listening and giving attention because there are many needy people in this business. That is when the mean-spirited and profiteers show up who take advantage of this to extort, to drug and to steal the person. These people want help because they have problems, they pay, but say: "I don't want to do it, I just want to take it all off of my chest; I want the companionship, to stay awhile at home or to go to a bar or the movie theaters".
And I am a person with no mystery, who is patient in listening to others. Someone even told me: "You would be a good psychologist, a good psychoanalyst because you are patient and listen to people". And that helped me get many customers.
The constructive argument regarding the possibility of validation of prostitution as a performance of ethical demands uses the audience - the researcher - as possible way of approaching and gaining affirmation. The tone is professional and marks how the interviewer is in a very peripheral stage of appropriating the meanings of the practices in this community.
To be a professional who listens is central in Ezequiel's performance, thus while he implies a series of care demands in his performance, he understands tariffed sex as an action in which the sex and pleasure dimensions are worth attention in more a sense of controlling.
It's that thing, everything I said before. I say: "Look, I do this. Like, I don't have oral sex with men, in women I can considerso I tell them that I don't do passive sex, and they accept it In addition to the separation of the sexual interest dimension in name of legitimate technical work, Ezequiel identified separations among men who frequented the itineraries of tariffed sex in Porto Alegre.Woman want sex Porto Alegre
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