Are there no serious people

Added: Chai Reimer - Date: 08.04.2022 21:42 - Views: 46104 - Clicks: 783

Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. Markers of ontological security--constancy, daily routines, privacy, and having a secure base for identity construction—provided sensitizing concepts for grounded theory analyses deed to also yield emergent, or new, themes.

Findings revealed clear evidence of the markers of ontological security among participants living in their own apartments. This study expands upon research showing that homeless mentally ill persons are capable of independent living in the community. As the homelessness crisis enters a third decade, few individuals are as adversely affected as persons with serious mental illness.

Difficulties in reaching this endpoint are many and setbacks are common Allen, ; Hopper, Perhaps understandably, public health officials have been primarily concerned with the second of these, although interest in the positive and negative consequences of housing has increased in recent years Bashir, ; Dunn, ; Howden-Chapman, ; Wilkinson, It is a well known axiom that possession of housing, i. Ontological security, or the lack of it, was first used by Laing to describe the experience of those with serious mental illness.

It is ironic that those people whose ontological security is most threatened due to mental illness are also those Are there no serious people likely to be in housing circumstances that would promote ontological security. Studies of ontological security and home ownership have often had difficulties in ascertaining the presence of such an amorphous concept Kearns et al. However, this may be because studies have not concentrated on situations in which ontological security is most affected. In this study, the focus is on the transition between homelessness and having a home, presumably a key period for changes in ontological security that may make it more readily identifiable.

This dynamic experience is difficult to capture given the transient states of homelessness and being housed, particularly among those with serious mental illness Hopper et al. The following questions were addressed using grounded theory analyses of life history interviews:.

Are there no serious people

Findings will be presented on the housing status and living arrangements of these individuals two years after the experiment ended to ascertain changes both over time and between those who had obtained their own housing during the experiment and those who had not. For most homeless persons in the U. Culhane ; Gladwell, ; Mangano, Homeless advocates take a broader view, focusing upon government policies that under-fund the building of low-cost housing in favor of interim solutions such as public shelters and residential programs Mangano, Are there no serious people for the homeless mentally ill in the United States represent several overlapping systems of care: 1 homeless services shelters, food pantries, soup kitchens and drop-in centers ; 2 the public mental health system hospitals, residential treatment programs, and outpatient clinics ; 3 substance abuse programs therapeutic communities, inpatient programs, and step groups for the estimated percent who abuse substances Drake, Essock, Shaner, Carey, MinkoffKola et al.

Different funding streams, staff expertise and service philosophies distinguish these systems, yet they all share a requirement of clients: gaining access to valued services--especially housing--requires complying with a set of rules and restrictions Allen, From the perspective of the homeless service consumer, these contingencies of care can seem daunting.

Accepting them is also a high-stakes gamble since rule-breaking usually le to expulsion and a return to the streets. The next steps up the ladder are a supervised dormitory-type facility—usually a bed plus locker—followed by a shared bedroom in a supervised SRO hotel or group home. Individuals may enter the system on a higher rung, and those less impaired and more compliant may skip rungs, but reaching the top of the ladder, i.

Persons may sidestep the ladder altogether if they have family help or financial resources to Are there no serious people for housing or if they are fortunate enough to obtain a Section 8 voucher and accommodating landlord. But a bout of homelessness usually reflects the exhaustion of personal resources, resulting in dependency upon the system.

In the early s, a consumer-centered approach emerged that fundamentally challenged the status quo. As such, it removed the ladder continuum and made access to housing the first step and subsequent steps subject to consumer choice rather than coercion Tsemberis, The present analyses capitalize upon a natural experiment in examining housing outcomes following the end of the randomized experiment of the NYHS.

As such, it represents a community-based rather than treatment setting-based sample whose housing status after remained an open question. Transitional housing for the homeless mentally ill offers little to sustain these conditions. Nor are most day-to-day routines of normal life possible, since occupants share meals and bathroom facilities and are ased chores such as kitchen help and clean-up. Also apparent is the constant surveillance and lack of privacy in these settings, where congregate living, staff supervision, medication administration, and random drug tests are common prerequisites to staying housed and in the program.

Purposive sampling was used to select study participants from the roster of subjects from the NYHS with the goal of selecting 40 for Phase 1 in-depth interviews. Persons in the earlier study had a documented DSM Axis 1 disorder and were referred for housing and services either from the streets or from hospitals; 90 percent also had substance abuse problems Tsemberis et al.

As part of their final interview in the NYHS, SPs had been asked for contact information and permission to be recruited for future studies. Only individuals who gave permission to be contacted were considered for recruitment.

Two members of the NYSS team, who had been senior interviewers in the earlier study and had first-hand knowledge of the study population, independently identified, with percent agreement, a roster of 60 eligible participants who met sampling inclusion criteria for the NYSS.

Are there no serious people

Of these, 39 were located and contacted; all of those reached agreed to participate in the study. Of the 39, 21 had been members of the experimental group and 18 were from the control group. The slight imbalance was due to greater ease in locating participants from the experimental group.

The study de included two life history interviews, the first an open-ended query eliciting life stories with probes when relevant for experiences related to mental illness and substance abuse, homeless experiences, and other life events deemed relevant by the study participant. The second interview, which was individually tailored, elicited further detail or accuracy checks. Interviews, which lasted from 45 minutes to 3 hours, were scheduled at a Are there no serious people location of choice to the participant usually their current residence or the NYSS offices.

Interviewers met weekly to discuss any follow-up actions needed and debrief about their own feelings and reactions regarding the participants and their difficult life stories. First, members of the staff independently coded a single transcript and met to discuss their findings and develop a preliminary list of codes.

Second, two members of the team independently coded three more transcripts, thereby adding codes and refining the list. The set of focused codes was complete saturated by the tenth transcript. Third, all transcripts were co-coded separately by two members of the team--any discrepancies were discussed and consensus reached. Sensitizing concepts representing domains of ontological security, e. Study participants had a mean age of 48 years and were predominantly male 67 percent. The most common psychiatric diagnosis was schizophrenia 56 percent followed by bipolar disorder 22 percentand major depression 22 percent.

A history of co-occurring substance abuse was common, with 33 of 39 reporting lifetime substance abuse. As might be expected, housing status had changed for several of the participants since their involvement in the NYHS. Sampling was based on an intent-to-treat strategy, and 5 of 18 control group members subsequently crossed over to Pathways when given the opportunity this offer was made as an ethical compromise for those who remained homeless at the end of the NYHS. As shown in Table 17 of the 21 persons originally in the experimental group were not residing in Pathways apartments, having entered more intensive treatment settings from which 2 subsequently returned to their Pathways apartments shortly after the interviews were completed or other transient housing.

Of the 13 persons remaining in the control group after the departure of the 5 crossovers, 11 were Are there no serious people in supervised facilities and 2 had obtained apartments through Section 8 vouchers see Table 1. Given the unstable housing arrangements and other life problems of NYHS participants, these outcomes are best viewed as a snapshot rather than fixed over time. In terms of living arrangements, none of the study participants lived with a partner, family member or close friend. Although many participants maintained contact with family and were acquainted with housemates or neighbors, social isolation characterized the descriptions they gave of their lives.

Themes that address the research questions as well as emergent or unanticipated themes are presented below. One man noted:. Int: What did you like about it being your own apartment? Stay over anytime you wanted to. You know, things like that. Go shopping. You have your own say-so. What goes on in your own apartment. Things like that. Get up and just go.

Are there no serious people

If I wanna see him I go see him but he gotta know… I gotta place to live. I want it to be my home. I will starve. You know, you can live on water for a day or two. Int: Why was it so important for you to have your own apartment…? I would be able to fix it up the way I like it. Women were especially vocal about the protective benefits of having their own apartment. Study participants spoke with pride of the seemingly minor but deeply gratifying aspects of having a home, whether it was doing the laundry or taking a walk in the park.

To be able to get up and know that I got two new shirts, a clean pair of jeans, clean socks and I can feel good about myself. I explain that to my peers too. You get your own room, you mind your business, you live by yourself, you know. You go down to the park, you look at the birds.

Look at the dogs. What the hell. You say hello to normal people. Participants viewed their apartments as havens from the noise and stress of urban life, particularly after spending months or years on the streets or in shelters where privacy was not possible. As one older woman commented:. Sometimes it gets stressful. But I manage because I got a home to come home to and relax.

This contrasted with earlier experiences in transitional housing where monitoring of residents was part of daily life. But… you know, but it was a necessary evil because I had to go through what everybody else went through. Emergency living arrangements such as doubling up could also bring Are there no serious people on privacy and freedom. A middle-aged woman related such an experience. I stayed with my girlfriend and her mother. I had to sleep in the living room. Meanwhile, I put all my food stamps in the house. I gave her three hundred a month.

Are there no serious people

I had no privacy… And they treated me like crap. As illustrated in the above quotes, monitoring by others was a fact of life for participants. Its manifestations ranged from the overtly intrusive--unannounced searches and mandatory urine tests—to passive surveillance intended to prevent rules infractions such as fighting or substance use.

Are there no serious people Are there no serious people

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